Why the U.S. Election Matters for India

The outcome won’t affect the trajectory of the bilateral relationship, but it could shift its priorities.

Kugelman-Michael-foreign-policy-columnist13
Kugelman-Michael-foreign-policy-columnist13
Michael Kugelman
By , the writer of Foreign Policy’s weekly South Asia Brief and the director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi waves to audience members during an event in New York.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi waves during an event at the Nassau County Veterans Memorial Coliseum in East Meadow, New York, on Sept. 22. Leonardo Munoz/AFP via Getty Images

Conventional wisdom holds that the U.S. presidential election will have limited impacts for U.S.-India relations because there is strong bipartisan support in Washington for partnership with New Delhi. In effect, the relationship will be fine, no matter who wins.

That is largely correct—but while the election won’t affect the trajectory of the relationship, it could have implications for the nature of the relationship.

Conventional wisdom holds that the U.S. presidential election will have limited impacts for U.S.-India relations because there is strong bipartisan support in Washington for partnership with New Delhi. In effect, the relationship will be fine, no matter who wins.

That is largely correct—but while the election won’t affect the trajectory of the relationship, it could have implications for the nature of the relationship.

In recent years, technology and clean energy have become major areas of bilateral cooperation. That could change if Donald Trump returns to the White House, given the hard line that he has taken on export controls and his not-so-enthusiastic views about renewables. If elected, Kamala Harris would likely mirror the views of her current boss on technology and clean energy, meaning that they would remain central areas of focus.

Areas of tension could change, too. Trump’s frequent complaints about India’s tariff policies—including those he has voiced on the campaign trail—suggest that trade could become contentious, as it was during his administration. But his views on the war in Ukraine—he is much less critical of Moscow than Harris is—could make Russia less of a minefield for the U.S.-India relationship.

Many Indians believe that the current biggest tension point—the U.S. allegation that India’s government was involved in a foiled murder-for-hire plot against a Sikh separatist in New York—would recede if Trump returns. But given Trump’s nationalism, it is hard to imagine that he would stay quiet about transnational repression on U.S. soil.

Michael Kugelman is the writer of Foreign Policy’s weekly South Asia Brief. He is the director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center in Washington. X: @michaelkugelman

Join the Conversation

Commenting on this and other recent articles is just one benefit of a Foreign Policy subscription.

Already a subscriber? .

Join the Conversation

Join the conversation on this and other recent Foreign Policy articles when you subscribe now.

Not your account?

Join the Conversation

Please follow our comment guidelines, stay on topic, and be civil, courteous, and respectful of others’ beliefs.

You are commenting as .